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 proper colour; and, in this view, there were _seven_ colours, sable,
vert, gules, or, argent, sanguine, and umber; Batman upon Bartholome, lib.
19, c. 37. Every planet had its proper metal; there were therefore _seven_
metals; see the extract from Gower, in the note to l. 820. Now, as all
substances are made of the same four elements, it follows that if a
substance can be decomposed, and reunited in different proportions, its
nature may be so changed that it shall become another substance. Many
substances, if subjected to heat, are destroyed; but metals are not so, and
therefore became the favourite subject for experiments. It was laid down
that one metal could be transmuted into another, but only after having been
first reduced into its primary elements; Theat. Chem. iv. 531. Ere long, it
was accepted as an axiom that all baser metals could be transmuted either
into gold (or _sol_), typified by the sun, or into silver (or _luna_),
typified by the moon; these being the two extremes between which the other
five metals were ranged. It was agreed that the chief agents in producing
this transmutation were quicksilver and sulphur, and of these quicksilver
was the more important; so much so, that the mention of quicksilver meets
us everywhere, and no alchemist could work without it[174]. It was also
agreed that certain processes must be gone through in a due order,
generally ten or twelve in number; and if _any one_ of them failed, the
whole work had to be begun afresh. They are commonly described as (1)
calcination, (2) solution, (3) separation of the elements, (4) conjunction,
(5) putrefaction, (6) coagulation, (7) cibation, (8) sublimation, (9)
fermentation, (10) exaltation, (11) augmentation or multiplication; and
(12) projection; Theat. Chem. ii. 175, and Ripley's Compound of Alchemy. By
insisting on the necessity of all these processes, alchemists sufficiently
guarded against all chances of an unfavourable result, viz. by securing
that a result could not very well be arrived at.

The moment that we attempt to analyse their processes more closely, we are
met by two difficulties that are simply insuperable: the first, that the
same name is clearly used to denote quite different substances; and the
second, that the same substance is called by many different names. Hence
also arose endless evasions, and arrogant claims to pretended secrets; it
was often said that the quicksilver of the alchemists was a substance only
known to adepts, and that those who used only ordinary quicksilver knew
nothing of the matter. The master could thus always mystify his pupils, and
make it appear that he alone, and no one else, knew what he was talking
about.

Yet it was frequently alleged that the experiments _did_ succeed. The
easiest explanation of this matter is, that the hopes of the alchemists
were doubtless buoyed up by the fact that every now and then the
experiments _appeared_ to succeed; and it is easy to shew how. The close
affinity of quicksilver for gold is well known. I copy the following from a
book on experiments, which really suffices to explain the whole matter. 'If
a sovereign be rubbed with mercury, it will lose its usual appearance, and
appear as if silvered over[175]; the attraction of the gold for the mercury
being sufficient to cause a coating of it to remain. When it is wished to
remove the silvery appearance, dip the sovereign in a dilute solution of
nitric acid, which will entirely take it off.' Now the alchemists tell us
that quicksilver must always be used in all experiments; and they
constantly recommend the introduction into the substances experimented on
of a _small_ quantity of gold, which they thought would be increased. The
experiments constantly failed; and whenever they failed, the pieces of
molten metal were carefully saved, to be used over and over again. The
frequent introduction of small quantities of gold caused that metal to
accumulate; and if, by any favourable process, the quicksilver was
separated from the mass, a considerable quantity of gold would now and then
actually appear. This account is so much in accordance with all that we
read, that we may confidently accept the conclusion of Dr. Thomson, the
author of the History of Chemistry, that the vaunted philosopher's stone
was certainly an _amalgam of gold_; which, 'if projected into melted lead
or tin, and afterwards cupellated, would leave a portion of gold; all the
gold, of course, that existed previously in the amalgam.' He adds that 'the
alchemists who prepared the amalgam could not be ignorant that it contained
gold'; a statement which I am inclined to modify by suggesting that it may
very easily have contained _more gold than they supposed it did_. In a
word, we may conclude that some deceived themselves, and others were
conscious cheats.

GROUP H.

§ 74. THE MANCIPLE'S PROLOGUE. In the black-letter editions, this Prologue
begins with the 16 lines printed at p. 289 (vol. iv) as the Epilogue to the
Nonne Prestes Tale; because, in them, that Tale precedes. See remarks on §
51 above (p. 433).

The Prologue is self-explanatory; we see how the responsibility passed from
the Cook to the Manciple. It is curious that the Cook is addressed as if he
had told no Tale hitherto; see, as to this, the remarks on § 28 above (p.
399).

§ 75. THE MAUNCIPLES TALE. With respect to this story, Tyrwhitt briefly
remarks that 'The Fable of the Crow has been related by so many authors,
from Ovid down to Gower, that it is impossible to say whom Chaucer
principally followed. His skill in new dressing an old story was never,
perhaps, more successfully exerted.'

Chaucer was so familiar with Ovid, and, in particular, with the
Metamorphoses, that we may fairly suppose that this was the real source of
his Tale; see Metam. ii. 534-632. The last line of his story (H 308),
excluding the moral, closely agrees in sense with the last line in Ovid's
tale--'Inter aues albas uetuit considere coruum.'

Gower's story is in his Confessio Amantis, bk. iii, ed. Pauli, i. 305-6;
but it is so briefly sketched, in 35 lines, that Chaucer could have derived
nothing from it, even if he had wished to do so.

Another Middle-English analogue, much more important than Gower's, is the
story of the Magpie, being the 10th Tale in the collection known as The
Seven Sages, printed in Weber's Metrical Romances, iii. 86. It is much the
same as the story of the Popinjay in Wright's edition of the Seven Sages,
p. 73. The version in the Seven Sages clearly points to an Eastern origin
for the story. See Mr. Clouston's essay on The Tell-tale Bird, in Originals
and Analogues (Chaucer Soc.), p. 437; to which I refer the reader for
further information.

Dr. Köppel[176] has shewn that several passages in the moral advice with
which the Tale concludes (including nearly the whole of lines H 325-358),
are taken from a work by Albertano of Brescia, entitled De Arte Loquendi et
Tacendi, written in 1245, and newly edited by Thor Sundby in the second
Appendix

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